Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour budget. People have been calling for Labour’s mission and principles to be more clearly articulated. Through the decisions made – a shift to a more equitable tax system, focusing on wealth to pay for addressing child poverty, good public services and the cost of living – we have unequivocally demonstrated what we believe in.
That’s why Labour MPs applauded in the Commons, and it’s why we are up for the battles to come. And it’s why the protests from the right began right away.
The central division in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who aim to reform it so it helps ordinary working people, and on the other, our political opponents, who favor the status quo and the failed doctrine of the past. We must now confront, and win, the argument.
The Tories had 14 years to fix things and instead, by every standard, they got much worse. Their ideological austerity and trickle-down economics – tax cuts for the wealthy, cutting off investment (leaving us with low productivity and wages), and failing to support young people post-Covid – proved ineffective.
Living standards fell by the largest margin since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest they’ve ever been, wages were stagnant, a housing crisis took hold, young people scarred by Covid were abandoned. The record of failure continues.
One budget alone can’t fix everything, so Labour has a long-term plan for renewal and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and continue making the argument for why our strategy will reap dividends.
Under the Tories, welfare spending rose substantially. As did child poverty, because they failed to tackle the root causes: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to deal with the effects instead of the solution.
That’s why we are constructing more social housing than for a generation, increasing wages and new rights for workers, greatly increasing investment in infrastructure and new industries, getting waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we drive for clean power.
It’s also why we are completely justified to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For eight long years, since it was introduced, poorer families with children have endured from a unjust social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was anything but. Most of the families impacted by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, in the end, costs us more, as well as being callous and unethical.
I know from my own district – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing £1 wellies as school shoes, children going to bed without food and cold, living in overcrowded, mouldy homes, parents during the holidays relying on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already stretched but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the results of severe deprivation.
Just one in four pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with nearly three in four among affluent families. This sets them up for the disadvantages they face during their lives: unrealized potential, economic struggles and ill health. Children who were raised in poverty are more likely to be jobless or poor as adults.
Confronting child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a future-oriented strategy. Poverty costs the economy far, far more than the three billion pound cost of removing the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
That’s why we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees more than 100 extra children pushed into poverty. The effects of lifting it will not occur overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was crucial.
The cap was a symbol to 14 years of failed conservative ideology. Now it is abolished.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these initiatives are being funded in a fair way – from a new gaming tax, closing tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Fairness and direction – that’s how we will succeed in the contest of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will govern as Labour. As I repeatedly said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political megaphone and define the narrative more forcefully about what’s really wrong with the country and how we are fixing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s keep hold of it and prevail in this struggle about how we will rebuild Britain and address the deep inequalities impeding progress.
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